Upcoming: Another Life

George Bartenieff in Karen Malpede's "Another Life." Photo: Ari Mintz.

George Bartenieff in Karen Malpede’s “Another Life.” Photo: Ari Mintz.

Karen Malpede’s Another Life will open at the Theater for the New City in late March as part of Theatre Three Collaborative‘s Festival of Conscience, two plays and a series of conversations with a variety of progressive political voices. The centerpiece of the festival, Another Life is a poetic fantasia centering on a Dick Cheney-like mogul played by George Bartenieff. It is one of the very few American plays that directly addresses the subject of political torture in the service of representative democracy under capitalism, and earlier productions have garnered praise from figures such as actress Olympia Dukakis, the Living Theatre’s Judith Malina, and performance artist Penny Arcade.

In addition to Another LIfe, the festival will feature two readings of Malpede’s new play about climate change, Extreme Whether, which is described as “a family drama set on an endangered wilderness estate in an endangered world” and inspired by Ibsen and Chekhov. Along with Bartenieff, the cast for the readings includes Kathleen Chalfant and Zack Grenier. Malpede, on the theatre faculty of the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, recently co-edited the collection Acts of War: Iraq & Afghanistan in Seven Plays, published by Northwestern University Press in 2011.

Tickets and information for all these events are now available here. The festival runs 28 March through 21 April; anyone interested in the current state of American political drama will want to attend.

“What didn’t kill us made us watch”

billy_endoftheworldBertolt Brecht and Wallace Shawn represent two kinds of political theatre; Reverend Billy represents a third, more raucous and comic variety. The activist persona of Bill Talen, Reverend Billy, it must be said, does not preach to the converted: for almost twenty years, the good Reverend, accompanied by his Church of Stop Shopping Choir, has gained an international reputation for his form of guerrilla political theatre, occupying shopping malls, building atriums, and Times Square to present his anti-corporate message — ever dashing, ever musical, and always thrilling.

All this to mention that the Reverend’s new book, The End of the World, is scheduled for publication by O/R Books in February. In the words of the Web page for the book, “With soaring parables from protests as far apart as the bank lobbies of Barcelona and the underground police cells of New York City, our preacher raises a resounding ‘Earthallujah!’, turning back the devils of debt and destruction, rallying those of radical faith to save themselves and save us all.” Over the past few years, I’ve noted a more surreal, more apocalyptic tone entering the Reverend’s rhetoric, and am looking forward to seeing how far the new perspective reaches. The End of the World is available for purchase here.

The Reverend Billy Project, written by Savitri D and Bill Talen and edited with an introduction by Alisa Solomon, is a fascinating account of the comedian/activist’s career. He was also the subject of the last review I wrote for The New York Times in 2006. His Web site, with much more information, can be found here.

Fuckin’ Davey, fuckin’ Davey, fuckin’ Davey …

David Mamet. Photo: T.Conrad/AdMedia/Newscom.

At the moment, David Mamet has two plays in previews on Broadway — his contemporary classic Glengarry Glen Ross (the original 11 November opening has been pushed back to 8 December) and a new play, The Anarchist (officially opening on 2 December). On 7 November Pia Catton reported in the Wall Street Journal on a recent speech Mamet gave to the Manhattan Institute earlier this month; the usually pugnacious Mamet, when asked about Tony Kushner by the New York Post‘s Michael Riedel, most unpugnaciously responded, “I’ll let Tony Kushner work his side of the street and I’ll work mine” — not a “zippy one-liner” as Catton describes it (it is particularly lacking in zip, no matter how many lines it is), but a dodging of the question.

In note of these openings, I repost below an essay that first appeared here on 24 May 2011.


In an article for this week’s The Weekly Standard, Andrew Ferguson welcomes David Mamet to the fold of the GOP — which, for anybody following Mamet’s public pronouncements on politics over the past few years, comes as no surprise. Looking further back, one can also see that the violence and ruthless personal relationships in his early plays were always complicated by a fascination with and even admiration for those who participated in that violence and ruthlessness — Ricky Roma, c’est David — a fascination which made the plays that much richer, in fact. All this has to do with the upcoming publication of Mamet’s new book of essays,The Secret Knowledge: On the Dismantling of American Culture, which is due to be published in the US on 2 June. Media critic Eric Alterman has responded to Ferguson’s article here.

So much for this week’s blogospheric teapot tempest. I will note only two things: first, that Rob Weinert-Kendt is quite right to mention that Ferguson’s analysis of Mamet’s “parricide” of Brecht in the first chapter of the book rather misses the point:

The more I think about it, the more this feels like a bit of sleight of hand. Is Brecht really a relevant “father” for Mamet? Why not tackle two influences closer to home, like, say, Arthur Miller or Harold Pinter? Mamet owes each a huge debt as a dramatist, and both were men of the left. Not card-carrying Communists who eagerly submitted to living in a Soviet client state, mind you, just garden-variety lefties (with Pinter, by the end, representing a particularly thistly variety) who, while critical of Western democracies and capitalism, lived reasonably happy and productive lives within them.

Rob’s also quite right to suggest that Ferguson’s application of Brecht’s example to writers like Tony Kushner, Anna Deavere Smith or Christopher Durang demonstrates something of a blindness to the work of all four dramatists. Of the three Americans, only Smith comes remotely close to Brecht’s project in terms of form; in the case of Mamet and Brecht, the comparison is particularly silly (in his formal and thematic concerns, however much he may say he revered Brecht when younger, it’s certainly a reverence that didn’t make its way into Mamet’s work — stylistically, Mamet makes Clifford Odets look like Alfred Jarry). If Mamet wants to commit parricide, he’s genetically closer to Harold Pinter than he is to Bertolt Brecht. What Pinter primarily shares with Brecht is that both are safely dead and unable to respond.

Second, in the Christian Science Monitor last year, Tim Worstall noted in a short essay about Mamet’s book Theatre that Mamet’s new turn to the glories of the American marketplace had a relevance for theatre production as well:

Mamet dismisses state subsidy for the theatrical arts as no more than a means of propping up incompetent “champions of right thinking” whose work would otherwise be incapable of attracting an audience. Such playwrights, he says, are purveyors of politically correct “pseudodramas” that “begin with a conclusion (capitalism, America, men, and so on, are bad) and award the audience for applauding its agreement.”

All well and good — and quite consistent with Mamet’s recent turn of thought. On the other hand, if Mamet accuses Brecht of hypocritically biting the hand that feeds him — well, physician, heal thyself. If it were not for this non-profit, state-subsidized theatre, it’s unlikely that Mamet would even have a career, in the theatre or anywhere else. Almost all of his early plays were premiered in non-profit and state-subsidized institutions — American Buffalo received its mainstage premiere at Chicago’s Goodman Theatre in 1976, The Water Engine at New York’s Public Theater in 1977, and Glengarry Glen Ross in 1983 at the mother of all English-language state-subsidized theatres, London’s National — well insulated from the demands of the marketplace (at least then, in those happy days before regional and non-profit theatres sought to become more and more like their commercial cousins). So we await a statement from Mamet repudiating these earlier “pseudodramas” of his.

Which isn’t to say that Mamet hasn’t made lasting contributions to American theatre. Were it not for him, it’s probable that the line “Fuck you, God” would never have made it into a smash Broadway musical, to be greeted with squeals of delight. That, I suppose, is something.

I reviewed Mamet’s previous book of essays, Theatre, in 2010 here.

Throwing away my vote

I am skeptical about the American two-party system, but not cynical enough (not yet) to refrain from participating in elections. There’s one coming up in six weeks, and though I voted for Barack Obama in 2008 I doubt I’ll do so again.

A most interesting Internet timewaster is this quiz at a Web site called isidewith.com, which compares your responses to a poll about your political beliefs to the platform statements of several different parties — the Democrats and the GOP, of course, but several others as well. While I won’t reveal my own results here, I will say that apparently my views coincided most strongly with those of a third-party platform, which result I view with both relief and dismay, for obvious reasons. But it did confirm my dissatisfaction with Obama’s first term.

In an essay in The Atlantic published yesterday, “Why I Refuse to Vote for Barack Obama,” Conor Friedersdorf does a good job of expressing my dissatisfaction. He lists a series of specific charges against the Obama administration (and please do read them), before concluding thusly:

The whole liberal conceit that Obama is a good, enlightened man, while his opponent is a malign, hard-hearted cretin, depends on constructing a reality where the lives of non-Americans — along with the lives of some American Muslims and whistleblowers — just aren’t valued. Alternatively, the less savory parts of Obama’s tenure can just be repeatedly disappeared from the narrative of his first term, as so many left-leaning journalists, uncomfortable confronting the depths of the man’s transgressions, have done over and over again.

Most of his charges against the current administration concern the field of foreign policy, which takes a backseat to domestic issues in most elections, but as Friedersdorf suggests, this is a matter of conscience. It is in the field of foreign policy, at any rate, that American actions have the longest-term, most far-reaching effects; it is perhaps this field that reveals our attitudes towards Others most explicitly.

I had been planning to vote for a third-party candidate long before reading Friedersdorf’s article for many of the same reasons that he mentions there. It isn’t that I wish Mitt Romney in the Oval Office; I think he would be worse. But as Friedersdorf also says:

How can you vilify Romney as a heartless plutocrat unfit for the presidency, and then enthusiastically recommend a guy who held Bradley Manning in solitary and killed a 16-year-old American kid? If you’re a utilitarian who plans to vote for Obama, better to mournfully acknowledge that you regard him as the lesser of two evils, with all that phrase denotes.

“If I must choose the lesser of two evils I will choose neither,” Karl Kraus said in 1906, and I can think of no better expression of the need to vote on principle or conscience rather than attempting to out-strategize the strategizers of a two-party system which excludes third- or fourth-party alternatives — there will never be a third party alternative in this country so long as nobody votes for it, for whatever reason. In any event, the Romney campaign seems to be neatly and rapidly imploding, as Jon Stewart describes here; it may be that all Obama need do to win this election is to sit back and say nothing for the next six weeks.

In 2000, Green Party Presidential candidate Ralph Nader — and those who supported him — were accused of throwing that year’s election to George W. Bush. But it is not Nader’s fault, nor his supporters’, that nearly half of the nation’s voters hold views at polar variance to those of the progressive and mainstream left; red states will not suddenly become blue if Obama wins the election in November.

So, surprisingly, there is a real choice coming up this election day. One can pull the lever for the candidate who most closely shares one’s views of America’s obligations and responsibilities to its citizens and those of the world, and throw away one’s vote; or one can pull the lever for either Obama or Romney, and throw away one’s conscience. The choice, as they say, is yours.

From the archives: Revolting

About a year ago I published the below notes on theatre and revolution; I take this opportunity as well to recommend the new edition of Georg Büchner’s work from W.W. Norton, published in April 2012 and likely to become the standard source. Along with the texts of all of Büchner’s major drama and prose, it also includes an excellent selection of primary and secondary source material with commentary from Bertolt Brecht, John Houseman, Thomas Bernhard, and Rainer Maria Rilke, as well as the texts of four Georg Büchner Prize talks by Paul Celan, Christa Wolf, Heiner Müller, and Durs Grünbein. At $15.00, it’s easy to recommend.


Occupy Wall Street protestors march up Wall Street towards the New York Stock Exchange on 26 September. Photo: AP Photo/Louis Lanzano.

UPDATE, 21 October: If you’re coming here by way of the Guardian, you may wish to access the eight posts via this convenient list:

The introduction follows below.


The Occupy Wall Street protestors have now issued a laundry list of grievances and demands (this just before 700 of them were arrested trying to cross the Brooklyn Bridge by foot yesterday, according to the Web site maintained by the group). It is clear that the action is not yet over, but it is by no means clear what the future will bring. My own personal reaction to all this aside, the occupation does have obvious parallels with 1960s actions like the Pentagon protest of 1967 — I’m old enough to remember some of the coverage of these protests, but reaching a conclusion about the efficacy of these protests is impossible. So one will wait and see.

My own bailiwick is drama and the theatre, and one of the essential critical documents of the 1960s theatre is Robert Brustein’s The Theatre of Revolt, published in 1964 by Little, Brown & Company, back when major publishing houses thought that such things as idiosyncratic general surveys of modern world drama deserved dissemination among a general readership. At the time of its publication, Brustein was an academic, just a few years away from founding the Yale Repertory Theatre, which in the 1960s and 1970s was among the most provocative university theatres in the United States; his stewardship of this theatre paralleled a dynamic period of public revolt on university campuses and in the urban streets. [1] The Theatre of Revolt itself is a document of criticism and not as much a political meditation as Brustein’s later books such as Revolution as Theatre: Notes on the New Radical Style (1971). And it bears re-reading, even now.

But the discourse underlying contemporary public protest has changed. And because theatre and drama can be forms of contemporary public protest themselves, this discourse is of considerable interest. Some books, such as Dan Rebellato’s Theatre and Globalization, have rigorously examined at least some of the outlines of this discourse. At 112 pages, though, this book must describe wider outlines of the concern rather than individual dramatists.

Unlike Brustein’s 1964 book. “The purposes of this book are threefold,” he wrote in the foreword: “To examine the development of a single consuming idea or attitude in eight modern playwrights; to analyze the work of these writers in depth; and to suggest an approach to modern drama as a whole.” Most of the eight playwrights that Brustein selects — Ibsen, Strindberg, Chekhov, Shaw, Brecht, Pirandello, O’Neill, and Genet (along with Artaud) — flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in a theatre culture which by 1964 had largely disappeared. Ibsen, Strindberg and Chekhov revolted against a stultified Victorian-era drawing room realism; Shaw, Brecht and Pirandello against Ibsen, Strindberg and Chekhov; O’Neill against the ameliorist American stage; and Genet against just about everything. This is a vast oversimplification, but a useful one in following Brustein’s argument. In the first chapter of the book, Brustein traces the source of this revolt to the Romantic period, spiced significantly by Nietzsche’s philosophy. This neo-Romantic revolution placed the individual rebel at the center of the stage during a period of catastrophe. “If the theatre of communion climaxes with a sense of spiritual disintegration, the theatre of revolt begins with this sense, inheriting from the Western tradition a continuity of decay in an advanced stage,” Brustein writes. “Similarly, if the theatre of communion incorporated fearful visions and agonizing prophecies, these have all been realized in the theatre of revolt. Lear’s eloquent madness has degenerated into the insane babbling of Ibsen’s Oswald; Leontes’s momentary jealousy has become the pathological obsession of Strindberg’s Father … the melancholy of Hamlet quickens into the painful anguish of Pirandello and the black despair of O’Neill; Iago’s half-world becomes the whole world of Jean Genet. No and nothing and never — Lear’s repeated negatives — are now the modern dramatist’s vocabulary of refusal, as he labors to cast off his legacy of dissolution. … The theatre of revolt, then, is the temple of a priest without a God, without an orthodoxy, without even much of a congregation, who conducts his service within the hideous architecture of the absurd. … Instead of myths of communion, he offers myths of dispersal; instead of consoling sermons, painful demands; instead of a liturgy of acceptance, a liturgy of complaint.”  [2]

Brustein’s own neo-Romantic vocabulary still describes an alternative to contemporary theatre, which continues to offer myths of communion, consoling sermons, and liturgies of acceptance, at least on American stages. But The Theatre of Revolt emerged from a different period of history. If one were to describe a theoretical Theatre of Revolt now, it would require a different perspective, a different set of cultural and philosophical assumptions; a great deal of historical water has flowed under the bridge.

One of the things that is immediately clear is that the neo-Romantic individual rebel, standing and saying no to the corrupt world surrounding him, would not stand a chance because the very idea of the individual, and the efficacy of any revolutionary political action, is more problematic than ever before, and became so long before the Postmodernists wiped him from the map. While Romanticism validated the individual identity, Modernism dissected it (literally, in the case of Brecht’s Man Equals Man and more recently Martin Crimp’s Attempts on Her Life). As the poetry of Pound and Eliot and the prose of Joyce exemplified, the individual is protean and fragmented, not integrated, and the deity of Nature in the urban environment is as absent as the deity of the personal God. Instead of the impersonal storm at sea, the individual faces the impersonal monolith of the city, self-aware that he is as much a product of it as an antagonist to it. Earlier, in his 1946 The Playwright as Thinker, Eric Bentley proposed that Ibsen and Wagner exemplified the two streams of modern drama in the late nineteenth-century, reacting to late Victorian culture in their work. But there the integrity of the individual was conceived as a certainty — now, that integrity is no longer an a priori given. (Indeed, the protestors at Zuccotti Park — renamed “Liberty Square” for the occupation — have assiduously attempted to prevent the rise of individual leaders of the movement and speak and act as a collective. It is the collective that operates, not the individuals in it.)

That was before the Modernist conception of man, influenced by the work of Marx and Freud even more than Nietzsche, infused theatre and drama with its ambivalent perspective on politics, social change, and the individual himself. The shaping of the personality by the forces of ownership and labor, as well as the irrationality that lay at the heart of human consciousness, invalidated the integrity of the individual consciousness even as it opened new possibilities for personal and social experience. The Romantic portrait of the individual rebel was shattered — it was left to Modernism to examine the shards, shards which were exhibited in The Waste Land, the Cantos and Ulysses (to say nothing of Finnegans Wake). By the time these works were published, however, several of Brustein’s dramatists were long dead, and a few more were dying. And the Second World War, with its Hiroshimas and Auschwitzes, extending the technological devastation of the First World War on a massive scale, were still to come.

The philosophical foundation for a contemporary Theatre of Revolt would also be different. The possibility of the emergence of a conceptual Nietzschean Übermensch has become ever more distant, and it is of particular interest that his philosophy plays a lesser role in contemporary drama than those of Marx (whom Brecht systematically studied early in his career), Schopenhauer (whom Beckett systematically studied early in his career), and Freud. The Wille zur Macht is an ambivalent chimera, a hopeless hope, in the context of mass media and mass culture which assimilates protest into Culture Industry titillation. Finally, it is this mass media and mass culture, disseminated through electronic media, that differentiates the period of Brustein’s criticism from that of the present day, accompanied by the rise of a post-industrial capitalism that has seen the alternative of socialism and communism fall by the wayside as a valid oppositional ideology.

If one were to rashly presume to reconceive Brustein’s seminal work fifty years later, which eight playwrights might stand as examples of this changed dramatic landscape? “I should declare that my selection was guided partly by principle, partly by prejudice,” Brustein says of his selection. “I believe these eight dramatists to be the finest, most enduring writers in the field; and I was determined not to include any playwright who would not be read fifty years hence.” I will take the same guidelines for my own selection, and keep the field, as Brustein does, to eight, even though in the end arguments could be made to limit the field to two, or widen it to twenty. It is an arbitrary number, but for the sake of consistency and parallelism, let it be eight. I will list them here in the coming days, with brief explanations for my selection; others would no doubt offer different dramatists with just as valid a claim to inclusion.

On the Internet, to borrow a phrase, of the making of lists there is no end. But I will resist the temptation to make this as foolish and ultimately useless a project as, say, Anthony Tommasini’s list of the Ten Greatest Composers of All Time — that’s cocktail-party talk masquerading as criticism. I make no claim that these are somehow the greatest, or the most influential, or the most important, only that they share traits that exhibit the sense of revolt that Brustein describes, but for our own time. I don’t mean to impugn Brustein’s criticism with the charge of archaism — in fact, many of the dramatists I’ve selected share most eloquently in that sense of “existential revolt” that Brustein describes as “the final phase” of his own thesis:

In the last stage of the modern drama, existential revolt, the dramatist examines the metaphysical life of man and protests against it; existence itself becomes the source of his rebellion. The drama of existential revolt is a mode of the utmost restriction, a cry of anguish over the insufferable state of being human. [3]

Indeed, I hope that I extend rather than contradict Brustein’s thesis. If I don’t have the time to write this book myself, it may anyway provide a useful path for others.

Footnotes
  1. Brustein wrote an excellent memoir of this period in 1981, Making Scenes, which along with Peter Hall’s Diaries details the politics and personalities involved in the making of a large institutional theatre like Yale’s or, indeed, London’s National Theatre. Both are worthwhile reading for anyone interested in the comparison of American and British theatre cultures and the means by which they are expressed in non-commercial theatre. []
  2. Robert Brustein, The Theatre of Revolt: An Approach to the Modern Drama. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1964, p. 6. []
  3. Brustein, p. 26. []